The new political landscape

Labour got a majority the likes of which had not been seen since independence and one has to go to the 1947 election - just after the World War II - to find a comparable statistic.

This seismic shift in our political landscape cannot be put in its proper perspective without going back in time, even before the 1940s. The first shock that upset the Maltese political balance came after the First World War with the creation of a workers' party on the British Labour Party model. Sensing that it could corner the Nationalist Party, the pro-British Strickland party had no qualms in allying itself with the Malta Labour Party until World War II brought all local politics to a temporary stop.

Post-war politics reduced the Strickland Party to irrelevance and brought us Mintoff and George Borg Olivier. Mintoff has been described as necessarily anticlerical and Borg Olivier, unlike the other two PN leaders that followed him, was a liberal. In their own different way, both resented the overwhelming stifling influence of the local Church. Borg Olivier gave a newly independent Malta stability after its independence but then hesitated and failed to embark upon the social changes needed so that all could stand on their own two feet. It was Mintoff's 1971 electoral victory that led him to carry out the chore of pruning the power of the Curia and launch Malta into a new era with Malta no longer serving as a military base, as it had done since 1530 when the Knights landed on our shores.

The first post-independence Labour administration carried out that much needed social change. Some of it was unpalatable to several but that does not mean that the country was not crying for change. It laid the foundations of the welfare state, which may have very well avoided much more serious social strife and instability later on. Eventually, Mintoff's policies created a new middle class that he himself could not understand.

But societies change and political parties who ignore such changes do so at their peril. If there was a time when the political scenario of our small island changed remarkably it was during Mintoff's first and second post-independence terms (1971-1981). At the same time, however, Labour abandoned the high moral ground and ceded it to the PN.

During the late 70s, three developments of incredible consequence occurred: the first was the final departure of British troops from Malta. The second was the way Labour in government abused of its power, even taking pains to gerrymander the boundaries of the electoral districts to ensure Labour's hold on power. The third was the transformation - practically the reinvention - of the Nationalist Party.

Mintoff did not relish the 'perverse' result of the 1981 election that led to Labour having a majority of parliamentary seats through a minority of votes. More importantly, he could never stomach losing control of his party to someone like Lorry Sant. He resigned from PM, and passed on the unruly kid he had spoilt to his chosen successor, Karmenu Mifsud Bonnici... but in the long run Mintoff stood his ground. Eventually he pushed his party to reach an agreement with the Nationalist Opposition for a Constitutional reform that would ensure that the party obtaining the majority of votes would win the right to govern. The new Nationalist era began in May 1987.

The third development in the late 70s was the complete transformation of the PN. In some aspects, the PN became more left-leaning than Labour, albeit inspired by Christian values thus reflecting the true values of our society. This metamorphosis took place in a relatively short span of seven years, showing the PN's superior ability to embrace change. This process was also provoked by Mintoff's excesses, but the challenge was taken up by a true Christian leader in the person of Eddie Fenech Adami, together with the ideological genius of a left-wing philosopher-priest, Peter Serracino Inglott.

To beat Mintoff and win the majority, the PN formed a rainbow coalition that included its old working class grassroots, the emerging middle class and the business class, the 'nouveau riche' who felt unsecure under Mintoff's brand of socialism. This platform proved to be practically unbeatable for a quarter of a century of Maltese politics.

Ironically, the PN that had been beaten by Labour in 1971 because many felt it was time for some drastic changes was subsequently elected to power in 1987 for practically the same reason: government had stagnated and the country needed a fresh approach.

Once in power, the PN - led by Fenech Adami - proved to be worthy of it and got the basic decisions right. The replacement of our siege economy by a more liberal free market system, our entry into the EU and the adoption of the euro say it all. Malta's economic performance is the envy of all our European partners. Our younger generation take freedom for granted and does not know what political terrorism is. They rose to the challenge of our EU membership admirably. Our country is now proud to be European and many children of 'il-laburisti' are now university graduates. All this is thanks to the policies of successive Nationalist administrations. This is a lucky generation indeed. What a difference from Labour's touted socialist generation (ġenerazzjoni soċjalista)!

Yet the old internal struggles within the Labour Party remained an untold story. Joseph Muscat recognises that these were Labour's darkest days but he never came clean about them although he did acknowledge that Labour made many mistakes in the past. Despite this, he managed to instil a great sense of hope in the Maltese people. The sacking of his deputy, Angelo Farrugia, was a watershed decision. Perhaps it was a decision forced upon him by circumstances as Muscat realised that unless he was visibly seen dumping 'Old Labour', he would be putting his election prospects at risk.

The wheel has now turned full circle. Lawrence Gonzi had unintentionally dismantled Eddie's rainbow coalition while the PN administration showed signs of stagnation, leading to the people yearning for change once again.

What comes next after the election that has shaken Malta from its roots? During the electoral campaign, we were regaled with impressive electoral programmes and a massive outpouring of data besides allegations galore from both sides. The electorate seemed oblivious to all this. It had already decided to get rid of the Gonzi administration and one gets the impression that the whole nine-week campaign did not move anyone one way or the other. The electorate was more concerned with the long term benefits of a widespread clean up than with anything else.

At the end of the day, the electorate risked electing an untested 'new' Labour in order to necessarily prune the overgrown PN networks. This seemed to be the only real issue at stake in this election.

Now we have to see how Muscat is going to steer the ship of state. Will a newly created Labour network replace the aging Nationalist one and serve the country better (that is, until it overgrows its utility)? Many hope so... keeping well in mind that political change is the essence of democracy.

What matters now in the new political landscape is twofold: on one hand, how Labour will behave in power and whether it will deliver its myriad promises, and on the other hand how the PN can reinvent itself once again so as to remain relevant as the Opposition in a vibrant democracy and as a serious government in waiting in another five years.