Liberals in a brave new Malta

Post-divorce Malta sees both major parties portraying themselves as a natural home for liberals. Positive, but full blooded liberals have reasons to remain wary.

Following the yes victory in the referendum, Labour leader Joseph Muscat told us that his party is the natural home for liberals. Now PN information director Frank Psaila reminds us that social liberals can also feel perfectly at home in the PN.

What is most striking in Psaila’s claim is that it comes in the wake of a referendum campaign that exposed the confessional doctrine not just of the present PN leader, but also of his predecessor and the ministers who served both party leaders. It comes in the wake of a refusal by Cabinet ministers to ratify the referendum result with their vote.

It is true that social liberals have not been barred from the PN. But when it comes to real issues - be it the marriage agreement with the Vatican signed in 1995 or the divorce referendum - it was the conservatives who called the shots. The problem for the  PN is that while liberal voters are needed to win elections, the party has lost the glue that kept the coalition together. For it was the promise of normalisation after 1987 and the EU membership bid in 1998 which kept its disparate voters together.

As regards Muscat’s claim of Labour becoming a home for liberals, the argument gets a bit more complicated. I give it to Muscat that his gamble in taking the country to a divorce referendum originally proposed by Gonzi has paid off. I also give him due credit for campaigning for a yes vote in the final days. And Deborah Scembri’s decision to contest with Labour has provided him with the perfect liberal trophy to parade before the next election.

Still, it was the same Muscat who must be credited for inventing the idea of a “free vote" meant to accommodate his own confessional MPs. It also remains questionable as to how far Labour is willing to go in secularising and liberalising Maltese society. Probably the IVF issue provides Labour with another opportunity to pounce on the confessionalism of the PN. But how will it react to more radical demands like the introduction of gay marriages or doing away with the notion of a state religion?

Secondly, one should distinguish between a degree of secularism  which Labour inherits from the Mintoff days, and social liberalism as a political concept. Mintoff was probably Malta’s most secular leader but he was far from being a liberal.

Liberalism goes beyond secularism and comprehends a belief in individual rights, a conscious effort to limit the powers of the state on individuals and a genuine attempt to maximize political pluralism through representative electoral systems which favour consensus-seeking coalitions over ruthless and tribalist one-party governments – notorious in Malta for taking care of their own at the exclusion of others.

Liberals also tend to favour clear separation of powers between the executive, the legislative and the judiciary and to limit the powers of all three through a system of checks and balances. One thing which comes to mind is the direct appointment of Maltese judges by the political class, something that blurs the distinction between the powers. Liberals tend to value the rule of law and tend to be sceptical of law and order populists who exploit moral panic to introduce measures which go beyond the scope of the law.

They also resent the power of lobby groups like our own land squatters or the festa community to act outside the scope of the law. They also tend to be suspicious of laws which do not respect the sovereignty of individuals over their bodies and minds. That is why they question the war on drugs.

Not surprisingly, they also see beyond the myopia of the nation-state by favouring collective European solutions as well as the integration of ethnic minorities through the affirmation of civic patriotism.

One must also distinguish between right-wing economic liberals and left-wing social liberals. While both categories might share common values, they disagree on the role of the state in levelling inequalities. Right-wing liberals who believe in absolute freedom of markets might find a more natural home in a secularized version of the PN.

The choice for left-wing liberals who also believe in state action to eliminate social inequalities, encourage social inclusion and protect the environment, remains more problematic. The latter category still cannot feel at home in a Labour Party, which speaks the language of the populist right-wing when it comes to immigration policies. Neither do they feel comfortable with a brand of economic populism which promises no pain and all gain to all and marries the anti-tax populism of the right with the statism of the old left.

Probably this category remains small in Malta and like its closest political reference-point – the greens – still lacks a critical mass to force change through in the immediate future. Genuine pluralism remains alien in the rowdy Maltese public sphere that still condemns reflexivity to a dark corner.

But the experience of other European countries confirms that the ascendant aspirational and cosmopolitan new middle-class, which is equipped with cultural capital rather than economic capital, is emerging as the propulsive engine of progressive change whose impact could be far more long-term than the equally ascendant xenophobic populism.

And despite all the talk about liberalism we should not forget that dark monsters, who might well take an anti-clerical guise, still lurk beneath the surface. Malta is bound to catch up. The times have only started to change. But it remains unclear how this will eventually change the tectonic plates of Maltese politics.

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@RC: Having a PN government is no "qabza fid-dlam" but rather a continuation of what we have today - which seriously needs to be change. I do not wish another 5 confessional years. We already had 25 years of that. As for "Issa naraw" - that was exactly my reasoning in 2008 and voted AD. I do not regret it as it brought a positive change in PL but I will not take that risk again. sorry mate.
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Helenio Galea
yes. The writing is on the wall. PN is clearly headed for 10+ years in opposition. Might as well vote in an AD mp next election and knock some sense into our MPs.
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Gilbert Bartolo
@RJ... yes, RJ, whatever the 'risk' is.... now it seems it's PL's turn to spin that it's PL or 'qabza fid-dlam'... well some just don't care whether it's PL or PN because we don't care what 'il-lijder' says and don't believe the doomsday scenarios spun and spun and spun again and again....
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@ "issa naraw" and risk having another PN minority government? I don't think so.
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Helenio Galea
This is the time to vote AD. PN will not be elected anyway. At least I hope we use this situation to change the political landscape. Time to go for it.
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As long as we have a two party system, it is always going to be a fight for the middle ground and the appliance of the lowest common denominator. How can you hope to encompas Christian Democrats and Social Liberals in the same party (or Socialist and Liberals for that matter) without doing a disservice to both?
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"full bloodied liberals have reasons to remain wary." and who exactly are they? Strange you did not mention abortion and euthanasia.
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The same PNPL mantra, James. So as to say: "They are the same". You know it is not true and I hope you realize that you are responsible for the status quo in the country.
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Maltese politics, like politics in other countries, seems to be aligned to the maxim of "ħawwadni ħa nifmek!". http://bit.ly/kIz5OI
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In the last decade or so the two main political parties have come closer to each other in ideological terms. What distinguished them was the personalities. That worked in favour of Gonzi PN (until a few months ago) and against Alfred Sant after the debacle of 1998. This is not good for our politics as we need a net disintinction between the parties. And Joseph Muscat's holding back in terms of proposals and clear ideological leanings is not helping.
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Jurgen Cachia
The problem remains that the LP poses as the party for social justice, as Alfred Grixti put it in one the PL's papers. But when it came to the crunch the party did not take a party position in favour of divorce. Balanced against this fact is the other fact that Muscat took a strong personal standfor divorce, and that Labour media pushed for divorce. A good compromise? I'm not sure. But maybe one that might be sufficient if enough people are desparate enough to get rid of the confessional GonziPN. If I had been in Malta I would probably still vote AD and pass my preferences on to the PL, otherwise the country will remain in the insidious tweedledee/tweedledum situation we find ourselves in in Australia.
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Agree totally with you James, particularly the points you make about PL's populist stances on immigration and taxation. The divorce referendum outcome was a step in the right direction. But we still have much ground to cover. As a left wing social liberal myself I still have strong reservations about PL. But then that still leaves the 20 year old dilemma of whom to give the vote to: PL as insurance again PN, or AD where the vote is lost to oblivion? Have we reached a point where there is a gap for social liberal party? Should AD evolve into a social liberal party?
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James ... the term' liberal' is a huge concept and can be misleading to someone who has not studied the term carefully. For example, it seems like PN is quite liberal with its funds but insular when it comes to civil rights. I doubt any individual or political party would fit into the text book definition of what Liberalism entails ... which is partly the point you make. . If LP wants to avoid the same misunderstandings, they or some new fangled modern progressive political party better find out through surveys, focus groups and the like what kind of social legislation the citizens of Malta are looking for. Maybe it's not about catching up with other European nations - maybe it's simply about taking the national temperature now and again to figure out the nature and extent of the climate change?