Portomaso politics: is Labour becoming the new PN?

Up until a few years ago the PN was busy drafting building policies which accommodated big and small developers, while ignoring residents. 

Specifically, it was a local plan approved in 2006 which had identified a site designated as an ecological zone in the planning permit for the original Portomaso development of 1995, as one suitable for residential development.

Unsurprisingly, both Labour's representative on the MEPA board (and Labour MP) Roderick Galdes and the Portomaso developers have referred to this particular local plan in arguing that it superseded the condition of the original permit, to justify this project.

Moreover, over the past seven years many towns were turned into permanent construction sites due to a building policy that led to rampant construction by allowing penthouses to be build on any three-storey building.

All this led to resentment against planning policies and the growth of civil society movements from Nationalist-leaning towns, opposing construction development.

The PN is now more threatened than Labour by growing concern on environmental issues in these so called 'pale blue' districts.

It fears the influence of civil society organisation like Astrid Vella's Flimkien Ghall Ambjent Ahjar. It also fears losing votes to Alternattiva Demokratika, which is more likely to attract defecting Nationalist voters than Labour voters. The Sliema local council election result, which saw the Greens winning 8%, can be seen as a warning shot. So was the high abstention rate in St Julian's.

Probably, for many in the PN the environment is more an issue of electoral survival than an issue of conviction. But there is a growing realisation that the PN can only recompose its hegemonic block if it reflects the new concern on land use issues by forging new alliances that take into account this reality.

On the other hand, Labour seems to be reacting to the PN's partial change of heart by giving hope to developers that Labour could kick-start some construction boom.

While the PN promised to change the policy on penthouses, Labour would not even commit itself whether it will reverse this unpopular policy which has not only ruined skylines but deprives access to solar energy.

Portomaso is not the only case where Labour MP Roderick Galdes found himself outvoted after siding with the developer. In March 2010 Galdes was the only member to vote in favour of a 40-apartment residential block and underground car-park inside Balzan's village core proposed by Charles Polidano.  

In January 2011 Galdes voted on the side of the minority when MEPA turned down the Gaffarena petrol station on the outskirts of Qormi. On that occasion he shared the minority platform with Nationalist MP Joe Falzon, who was absent from the Portomaso sitting last week.

In February 2010 Labour announced that it was actively considering an airstrip in Gozo for fixed-wing aircraft as an option to improve connectivity between the two islands.

Labour still opposed the Hondoq ir-Rummien development but has been silent on other pending developments like Ta' Cenc, where the party regularly organises activities in the hotel whose owner plans to expand his touristic ambitions.

Joseph Muscat also went on record saying that while Gozo's environment has to be protected, controversial decisions on job creation should be taken "nonetheless", insisting that his intention is to "cut red tape", whatever that means.

What is sure is that today's PN cannot reconcile the promises and commitments towards developers and its green credentials. One such promise was that made by Lawrence Gonzi on the eve of the election to the Armier squatters.

In January, MEPA refused a substation designed to provide electricity to the squatters. Not surprisingly, Armier's chief lobbyist Tarcisio Barbara was faced with a brick wall of planning policies when he invoked the PM's pre-electoral promises.

On its part Labour, which has made the same promises to the squatters, remains tight-lipped on this issue.

Neither can the PN afford to allow Midi to build 375 apartments in Manoel Island after the overdevelopment of Tigné Point. The current stalemate at Manoel island comes after a decade which saw the State actively subsidising this project by granting the developer a casino licence, in exchange for the restoration works and a €3.3 million discount on a pending waste bill.

Neither can the PN dream of considering more development at Ta' Cenc or Comino.

On the other hand the Nationalist government has embarked on public projects which emphasise the creation of collective public spaces suitable for parents with children.

One area it has not budged from is hunting, solely because of its calculation that unlike land use, it does not have a direct impact on voters.

In contrast Labour's core electorate may be less concerned about land use issues. Its southern electorate may be more keen on air quality issues, hence Labour's legitimate opposition to heavy fuel oil amidst accusations that the PN was favouring a party donor.

But on land use issues, Labour may well be courting people connected to the pro-development lobbies. Labour now must come to terms with voters who resent the power of big business over the political class, as well as new middle class voters tired of decades of Nationalist government but who regard land use as a primary issue.

Some would ask, what's wrong in Labour doing the same thing the Nationalists have been doing for decades?

But this raises the question: what kind of progressive change can be expected from a party which even from the Opposition seems inclined to accommodate big business?