Berlusconi, guilty as charged

It all started with Bettino Craxi's bid to transform his socialist party into one appealing to the aspirational middle class, flirting with millionaire Silvio Berlusconi who owed his wealth to property speculation in 'Milano Due' to become the owner of a nascent media empire.

The 1980s in Italy was also epitomized by the frivolity of Berlusconi's trash TV stations with its big-breasted showgirls, serving as the background to a time of speculative growth for the Italian economy. But under the swell of rampant individualism, which weakened the edifice of the post-war social pact, loomed what Euro-communist leader Enrico Berlinguer prophetically called "la questione morale" - the moral question.

Ironically, amidst the rampant consumerism, it was Craxi's nemesis Enrico Berlinguer who not only questioned the incestuous relationship between big business, organized crime and politics, but also proposed a policy of austerity which questioned consumerism as a way of life.

Berlinguer's premature death of a cerebral hemorrhage while addressing a meeting, and the successive weakening of Eurocommisim as an alternative, cleared the ground for Craxi's remodeling of Italian politics through the institutionalization of the penta-partito, a system where each of the five parties in power had a free rein to run its own patronage networks. It also coincided with the marginalization of left-wing Christian democrats especially those on the frontline against the mafia, and the triumph of the Andreotti faction and its client base in the Mafia-ridden south of Italy.

It was Tangentopoli which changed all this. A new breed of fearless, and in some cases over-zealous magistrates, took it upon themselves to expose a corrupt system and the links between political power and corruption.

Unfortunately the political alternative in the shape of Italy's Communist Party was weak and still recovering from the collapse of Soviet communism in 1989. Amidst the downfall of the old order, Italy was fertile ground for all kinds of populisms and for another "man of providence".

In 1994 Berlusconi projected himself as the self-made capitalist who unlike full-time politicians, was a doer and not a talker. He liked being adored and projected himself as some sort of messiah with a mission of "making Italy work".

He pushed his personal presidential brand ignoring the reality of living in a parliamentary democracy, often preferring speaking to the cameras than discussing with his adversaries. He also promised to eliminate bureaucracy and run the country efficiently through a "governo del fare" presided by the presidente operaio (the working President). In fact the only bureaucracy removed by Berlusconi was that of restricting building permits, with one of his most lasting legacies being the legalization of illegal buildings in seismically-exposed areas.

In reality, the roots of the problem lie exactly in Berlusconi's antipathy towards democratic politics that is based on the mediation between real parties, and in his managerial approach to politics. He often expressed frustration at the slow pace of politics, blaming coalition partners for the reforms which never materialized. Instead he wasted precious time in office to enact laws which simply shielded him from being prosecuted in court for serious crimes like tax evasion.

Initially he projected himself as a liberal and even befriended Marco Pannella, but he ended up legitimising xenophobic parties like the Lega Nord, befriending Vladimir Putin and Muammar Gaddafi and entertaining fans with homophobic and sexist jokes.  Ultimately Berlusconi stood out as political wizard capable of enchanting voters but who successively failed to deliver in the task of governing.

It is difficult to say whether Berlusconi will once again manage to portray himself as a martyr of a conspiracy. But the signature of the Supreme Court on this sentence renders the claim very far fetched. Once again it is the lack of a political alternative to Berlusconism, which could save the day for him.  For although knocked down by the judiciary, Berlusconi was not politically defeated.

On a local level the Berlusconi story is a reminder posed by the risks of co-opting businessmen still pursuing their own pecuniary gain in positions of power. The oil scandal itself is a reminder of the risks of appointing businessmen in position of public influence. For although there are surely businessmen guided by genuine civic spirit, the risks posed by potential conflict of interests should make such appointments the exception and not the rule.

It is also a lesson on the risks of presidential campaigning based on soft patriotic but ultimately meaningless slogans and the projection of leaders as messiahs possessing some magic wand.  It is also a cautionary tale against trusting politicians who are obsessed with marketing themselves.

The final chapter in the Berlusconi saga ultimately proves that despite its faults the Italian judicial system has no qualms in prosecuting the powerful and exposing the nexus between business and politics.

In Malta we still lack the institution of a pool of inquiring magistrates and prosecution can only commence at the request of the police or the Attorney General.  This could be the reason why the oil scandal was only unearthed by MaltaToday a few months ago.  Having a pool of career magistrates with the full freedom to commence investigations on their own schemes may be risky but this would help in keeping politicians on their toes.