Ten years later

Simon Busuttil wants the PN to be a fighting force. But he must invest in the younger generation, and reinvent what the PN stands for.

It was more than ten years ago that I was invited to talk - very briefly - before Eddie Fenech Adami's closing speech at Luxol. It was 6 March, 2003. Two days later, Malta would be voting in a referendum. I spoke at 11.15pm and called on all those who said that they were social democrats to vote for Europe. Then - unlike now - being associated with the PN was 'sexy'.  To be pro-EU was the in thing.

Alfred Sant's anti-EU stance would mean that Labour would lose for yet another time at the polls. Even so, the Labour party would retain Sant as leader.

Ten years later, Sant is standing for the European parliamentary elections.

That was some time ago, and after that date, my relations with the PN spiralled downwards and completely out of control.

A year later, the entire PN executive - 14 in all - were suing MaltaToday for libel after a newpaper report described a drinks party after Gonzi's leadership victory over John Dalli. The relationship would continue to turn sour. I blame this siege mentality on people like Joe Saliba, Edgar Galea Curmi, Gordon Pisani, Richard Cachia Caruana and Lawrence Gonzi himself.

When the adverts and TVM boycott did not work, the Queen of Bile and Mr Bondi himself unleashed their venom and hate talk.

The situation deteriorated so badly that we could not even get as far as conducting an interview with the prime minister.

When I received a phone call from Chris Said last Tuesday to interview Simon Busuttil at The Granaries in Floriana, I accepted at once.

Arriving at the venue, I could sense the apprehension of many of those who consider MaltaToday to be one of the main reasons for the PN's disastrous electoral result in March of this year.

Even a family relative who was in the crowd chose to look the other way. 

A policeman in civilian clothes came up to me complaining about a story that was written in 2010, suggesting that I wrote the article to stand up for a discotheque bouncer. He would not accept the fact that I never talked to the bouncer in my life.

It is of course part of my job to be greeted by angry bystanders.

So the questions I put to Simon Busuttil about meritocracy and the PN's abysmal history with political patronage did not help.

But I greeted the booing with a laugh - insisting that I preferred to be booed rather than applauded.

That eased the tension a bit.

I asked Busuttil how he could be taken seriously when Gonzi, as prime minister, had appointed his closest friends and associates to run organisations such as Malta Enterprise and MEPA (I was of course referring to Alan Camilleri and Austin Walker).

Busuttil spoke well, but he seems to forget that some of us still have a grasp on our memories.

He still lashed out at the nepotism in Muscat's government, creating the impression that the PN in government implemented a much better form of meritocracy. 

It did not, and throughout its 25 years it worked under the same political blinkers the Mintoffian and Sant administration had applied.

But I let Busuttil talk.

To be fair, Sant had tried to change all this.

Even on China and Enemalta, he stood his ground, but he was not quite clear and rather convoluted in articulating his opposition to Chinese investment.

But the crowds still cheered and clapped whenever he presented them with a catchphrase or threw a grenade at Muscat.

On the Nationalist Party's financial crisis, he surmised that the reason the party was in this mess was because the government was focused on governing. 

Responding to the applause, he declared that the PN are a poor party "because we have left you with a rich country".

I had neither the time nor the opportunity to point out to him that many preferred bidders and contractors close the party had become super rich and that the party's mismanagement and financial mess was mostly due to Joe Saliba's mismanagement and Paul Borg Olivier's failures.

In the celebrations leading to Independence Day, the PN has tried to rekindle some nostalgia. They have done this by bringing in the ageing generals which included Richard Muscat, Sandy Cachia Zammit and Michael Refalo. 

They may have galvanised the very old faces at The Granaries, but they have a history with the PN that would make people like me turn around and simply say, "what the f***?!"

Richard Muscat in particular, with his appalling Irish ambassadorship and mismanagement of the Voice of the Mediterranean, reminds me of how Fenech Adami was willing to excuse the mistakes of his friends.

Sandy Cachia Zammit, to many, is the arch conservative - just the man who failed to embody what the PN is suggesting it should stand for: a modern party. And Michael Refalo is a former minister who reminds me of his former chief canvasser, Silvio Zammit (whom the Queen of Bile vilified in order to get at John Dalli before the last election).

Later, after it was all over, I asked Simon Busuttil whether he found his public role too demanding. He looked at me and told me that he was enjoying every single moment.

I think he truly wishes to change the party and transform it into a fighting force.  But to do this he needs to invest in the younger generation, and he also needs to redefine - or reinvent - what the PN stands for.

It could very well be that Simon Busuttil has not quite understood that he may have invaded some of the territory that was traditionally considered to be Labour turf.

He may have to retrace his steps to the pre-1987 days, when the PN was supporting the budding ecological movement, the social groups and championing workers' rights.

Busuttil has probably failed to realise that the Labour Party is not at all on the left - it is, in fact, centre right. If it wants to stand for anything, it has to position itself as it did when it was in opposition before 1987.

The worst thing that Busuttil could do is to give the impression that it can be better than the Labour Party.

It's not about being better, it's about being different. And to truly be different, one should start by taking a stand on issues which are fundamentally ignored and sidelined by Labour.

It will be a gargantuan task, considering the freshness and youth of Muscat's team.

As I closed the interview, I noticed that many of the Gonzi acolytes - Robert Cutajar, David Casa and others - purposely avoided me. The Busuttil acolytes were easier to get along with, and more welcoming.

As I sat down to have a white glass of Pearly White, a young deaf and dumb man approached Busuttil to be photographed. Busuttil stood up and smiled and embraced the young man. It seemed very genuine.

Others also asked to be photographed.

As I left, I noticed that some people in the crowd were smiling.

David Agius accompanied me to the perimeter of the Independence celebrations and joked, "I don't care what they'll say when they see me with you."

I don't know if Busuttil will win the next election.

But on that night, it appeared pretty certain that he would be leading the PN until the next election.

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Savior,you have a point,until they draw in new blood,which I believe will be the most difficult thing to do,they will not move on, until they stop calling the opposition names and not saying the truth but just half truths (only what they think their supporters want to hear)it will be a long time in the opposition chair for them,I feel sorry for them but more angry for the cost it will be on us the tax payers.Keep up the good work. :-)
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joseph mercieca
I do not think my comment to Saviour Balzan's article broke any laws and regulations. Still you have censored it. Maybe it is because I defended Mintoff? I talked about Mintoff becaue it is he who interest me. Simon Busuttil is a none entity not worth the time of day. I was under the impressing was a free newspaer. Today I found out that even Malta Today has a hidden agenda. In fact I seem to be countering this agenda as this is the second you censored my contribitions So much for freedom of speech and the press!
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joseph mercieca
Saviour it is obvious that you have an enormous chip on your shoulder regarding Mintoff whom you loath. When you refer to him you are blinkered as much as you allege he was. I am sure that you know about Mintoff from oral and written history which is generally hostile to the person. Your experience of Mintoff was as a young environmental zealot and I concede it was a very negative and traumatic one and I am sorry for it. None the less it is unjust to say that in meritocracy Mintoff had political blinkers. You see in those times meritocracy was not an issue. The working class especially the Labour leaning part of society had no educational skills and it suffered discrimination as regard the access of certain jobs. Thus the civil service, university, teachers’ training college, banks and even the police force were strictly precluded to Labour families. Since polarisation was very marked information was easy to gather. The PN did not have to lift a finger because they had the Parish priest to do the work for them. If someone applied for a job the Parish priest was asked if the said individual was Labour if in the affirmative goodbye job. It is notorious that when Labour won the incumbency in 1970 whole registers of people applying to join the Police force came to light. Those from Labour families were marked with a red cross (most appropriate) and never got recruited. I can personally vouch for this as I personally saw my name in one of the lists. One must also not forget that Mintoff’s most close advisor was Attorney General Albert Mizzi who was also the primary advisor of George Borg Olivier. When it came to founding Air Malta Mintoff had no blinkers on as he chose the best entrepreneur on the island Mr.Albert Mizzi. Sure in the end mistakes were done and meritocracy was abused by certain ministers but this at a very low level of employment. So much so that up to this present day the high echelons of the civil service, teachers over 50, the bulk of University lecturers not to mention the law courts are staunchly nationalist. Maybe Mintoff showed his political blinkers in meritocracy when he started paying university students. He handed to everybody the opportunity to read for a degree or diploma in University without having to incur the whole financial burden. That is political blinkers for you. Now whilst students in other countries struggle with the burden of fees ours are financially helped by the government. I bet few students know that they are enjoying Mintoff’s legacy. It does not fit with the image of Mintoff the ogre you and others like you want to catechise those who do not know Mintoff. Saviour the heftiest faux pas of your article is labelling Muscat’s Politics as centre right. That is pure nonsense. Sure he is trying to foster private enterprise and will pass laws that will give it more room for manoeuvre. His aim is to foster and enlarge the economy by creating more jobs. He is trying to remedy the financial and economic mess he inherited. The MOU with China is a case in point. Like Mintoff Joe Muscat’s aim is to have a strong economy to sustain an onerous welfare state. Unlike the centre right his policy is not to have growth at the expense of the welfare state. He wants growth to sustain an efficient education system, an efficacious health sector, sustain and create more social services to help those in need. The administrations’ policy towards LGBT women the indigent the attention given to people with special needs Church and State relations plus other civil and human rights by no stretch of the imagination can be interpreted as right wing politics. Finally this government is showing that it cares very much for worker’s rights it is striving to safeguard jobs that are in jeopardy (read Enemalta) and is fighting the curse of casual employment. Those who care to read this will come to their conclusion.
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truthBold ..you have said it all and the solution to your precise scenario is that Dr Simon Busuttil has to make a "Khrushchev" with his party and have courage to renounce the culprits for the abysmal performance of the PN in government during the last 5 to 10 years. This is long term strategy which will bear him fruit in 10 to 15 years. I remember that during the Watergate scandal which threatened to dismantle the US Republican Party, it was its leaders who realised this, took the bull by its horns and took the initiative to discard the culprits, including President Nixon. Stating that he wants to win the election in 5 years time is shear political stupidity, and is only aimed at fanatical support.
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A good, objective and balanced analysis of the PN leader. In fact, despite what many PN dinosaurs will say, you seemed quite sympathetic to SB's plight. Unfortunately, he is heading directly in the opposite direction that you advised. The old dynasties are still running the show and somehow one has to feel that Simon B was chosen to be the one thrown under the bus for their collective failures. Most of SB's speeches are throw backs to the old pre-Eighties scaremongering: Yellow Peril, Libyan takeover, doomsday scenarios, etc. the PN was so expert at unleashing. After the recent election, there was no blood in the streets, only calm bordering on boredom. As it should be. Regressing is not what the party should be doing but that is exactly what is happening. Joseph Muscat, with his thinking outside the box, is running circles around the PN. Simon Busuttil is too much of a lightweight to turn the PN into a modern day party. The likeliest outcome is that SB will lose the next election and then the real powers will appear to fight for the crown.
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The Right Hon. Simon Busuttil is a perfect example of what a PN political lamb looks like as he is chosen to stand upon that political altar to be sacrificed in penance for a decade of foul mismanagement, immoral collusion and a dysfunctional administration led by greedy oligarchs and arrogant cabals who destroyed and bankrupt the party. The Maltese people will find it very hard to forgive and forget the burdens placed upon them and the sacrifices their families endured while the GonziPN hogs with their snouts in the national trough helped themselves to whatever they figured was coming to them in exchange of colluding to keep such an immoral administration in power irregardless of whom they destroyed by character assassinations or political propaganda. Judging by his opposition leadership role so far and hearing and reading the same old political habits of yesteryear at a time when his own party is still in disarray as its foundation has come off its moorings, one will find it very hard to discover any opposing views of substance that Mr. Busuttil can build upon to bridge the gap between transparency, trust and a political will, especially when his present course of opposing criteria seems to be impatiently responding before the facts are known or a real mistake has really occurred. Whether through leadership inexperience, lack of political advisors or a simple case of staff incompetence, the voters cannot re-affirm their convictions to return to the PN side unless they can witness a course of political stability that can finally face and the government’s mistakes with a sincere determination. It is unfortunate that Mr. Busuttil who personally comes across as a man of great character and an amicable nice man to booth has been thrown into that arena of political survival that depends mostly on the actions of those around you and the past history of those that lost the creditability of the Maltese people. Mr. Busuttil is shackled by his party’s past and it will be a long time for him to be able to address the Maltese electorate with the political sincerity needed to win over the approval of voters that have deserted in the last election.
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It is very easy to say that the PN is changing. But changing what. Certainly not after a couple of months of Busuttil at the helm. How can change happen when the families of Fenech Adami's, Demarco's, Mifsud Bonnici and others that have been leading the party for the last 30 years are still pulling the strings? The PN used to refer to the LP as the old labour because of Debono Grech and George Vella. But there is a big difference. The labour party is not dominated by any families whilst the PN is. And before Simon talk about change he will have to address this first.
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Saviour you have waisted your precious time and cyber space.
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Luke Camilleri
.... leading the PN until the next election under the watchful eye of Dr. Beppe Fenech Adami & Dr. Mario Demarco or possibly even Dr. Chris Said ready to move in at the first slip right on cue ! ;)
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Re your conclusion, I suppose we would have to wait and see, as appearances can be deceptive.