The survivor

As we are about to enter the forthcoming election campaign to the background of a budget which was not approved, it is befitting to carry out a performance analysis of the Gonzi government, and particularly of the survival skills of the Prime Minister himself.

An intellectually honest opinion of Gonzi's tenure in government must give prominence to two fundamental events which have had a bearing on, and which have shaped, Maltese politics.

First of all, the past five years have been characterised by frightful economic turmoil, particularly in the eurozone.

Secondly, the attempts by three backbenchers to rock their own government naturally took its toll on the PN.

There is little doubt that the government handled the economic crisis adequately enough. Though it must be said that a lot is owed to the ingenuity of Malta's businesses and the solidity of our banking system.

While our neighbouring countries risked bankruptcy - burdened as they were with very high unemployment, unsustainable deficits and no growth figures which forced these countries to reduce social benefits and cut employment - Malta has managed to not only overcome economic turmoil by keeping its deficit within the European parameters, but both employment and social benefits remained stable. In the former case, levels were maintained, while in the case of social benefits, they did in fact increase.

This is no mean feat, but the result of prudent decisions and financial stewardship characterised by an unyielding focus on jobs, including the introduction of both micro-invest measures and help to the largest companies which, as a result, managed to avoid having to shed staff.

The financial situation was also helped by the buoyant tourism industry, which thanks to increased accessibility with the help of low-cost airlines and the continuous improvement in the product has helped the public coffers in no small manner.

In all fairness, the financial situation has also been well catered for by a growing financial sector and e-gambling activity.

But the past five years have also had another tale to relate, namely one with tells of the strained working relationship between the prime minister and a number of his backbenchers.

This tension was further compounded by gross errors of judgement by the Gonzi administration.

Consider: the draconian increment in water and electricity tariffs, the secretive decision to raise ministerial honoraria by €500 a week, the Delimara extension controversy and the failed public transport reform. Not to mention the perennial problem in the health system and the bloated government sector. 2013 will also be remembered for Gonzi's decision to test the PN councillors by standing as a sole candidate for party leader. He was, of course, reconfirmed.

Then, once again, there was the case of the backbenchers.

Loyalty would have dictated that the backbenchers fight their corner within the party internal organs by voicing their dissent internally, rather than by putting into question the survival of their own government. Nonetheless, the Gonzi administration did nothing to soften their approach.

Cracks started to show up after certain decisions were taken. It was far from wise - indeed, it was callous - for the prime minister to inform his former minister via SMS that they were not to be included in his new Cabinet.

Was it wise not to appoint one of his two contestants for the leadership as his deputy leader?

His eternal mistrust of John Dalli has continued to the end, as has his two-weights-and-two-measures approach when dealing with resignation matters, as the Rita Schembri affair demonstrated.

Should he not have nipped the Jeffrey Pullicino Orlando Mistra question in the bud rather than let it fester into a war of attrition? Was it appropriate for him to visit Franco Debono at his house the minute the backbencher began to show signs of disapproval with regards to certain government decisions?

Many of these decisions smack of a person's short-term approach to matters of State, placing personal survival as the centre of political action. Leadership is all about doing what needs to be done, and not what one wants to do. Many of these short-term decisions were borne out of a desire to appease, only to backfire and leave the prime minister in a weakened position.

Yet despite all the political odds being against him, he survived, playing a chess game that often ended with him eating humble pie.

Two of these decisions in particular were to leave an imprint on the popular psyche.

The decision to vote against divorce in parliament - once the electorate had decided in favour of its introduction - smacked of arrogance and a disdain for the popular will.

It was his personal choice to call a referendum, and political correctness should have dictated that he should abide by the will of the people.

By not doing so, he created a rift within his own party, alienating the PN's liberal wing (if ever there was one).

The fact that he strained to reconcile both the conservative and the liberal wings of his party left him fatigued, and scarred the party as a whole.

Equally controversial was his decision to award a pay increase to his entire Cabinet - himself included - in secret, at a time when wages in the country rose by a paltry €1.61. This controversy could well have been avoided if announced, explained and tied to the responsibilities of running a ministry.

This administration will also be remembered for the many lost opportunities and for reforms which were promised but which failed to materialise. It is hard to refute that our country is in dire need of institutional reform. Our institutions, rather than uniting us, tend to divide us with respect for the institution, depending on whether one's party is in government or not.

The institutions must be looked at as national treasures run by people who command bi-partisan support and are appointed following a transparent exercise.

The disheartening controversy regarding the judiciary is a clarion call for a national probe on how judges and magistrates are to be appointed, and a strict code of ethics should also be enforced. The big question: shoud the judiciary also be appointed politically?

The most crucial reform, however, remains one that, sadly, both parties have a vested interest in not seeing to. This is electoral reform.

Only with a fair electoral system will our tribal division be done away with. The present system inevitably leads to wasted votes with dire consequences of voters choosing the lesser of two evils rather than one's happy choice. Apart from the electoral system, the whistleblower act, the grilling of appointments, the introduction of conflict of interest legislation is all long overdue.

The political reason for joining the European Union - to ensure that our country is anchored politically - has been achieved, but European aspirations go much further, especially in the widening of civil liberties that this newspaper has long campaigned in favour of. Our citizens need to feel more protected and free in their choices. The nanny state that has long prevailed in Malta is no longer the choice of a younger generation willing to participate in the extensions of liberties that Europe has served as the battle cry for.

His ruthless skill in turning a European Commissioner resignation into an opportunity to rejuvenate his party with the election of a young deputy leadership had the makings of a master chess move.

The political skills that the prime minister has shown - particularly in the containment of a back bench revolt and his survival in parliament for five years, barring the disapproval of the budget - will be put to the test in the next three months, culminating, of course, in the election.

However this time, his confrontation is not with backbenchers but with an organised and well-oiled opposition led by a young Labour Party leader who lacks any of the impulsiveness of his predecessors. And today leads a far more organised opposition party.

If this year promised to be a minefield for politicians, the next eight weeks are definitely going to be explosive in comparison.