The Delia paradox: lame duck or chaos?
Adrian Delia may be sinking at the polls but he still has one ace up his sleeve: his own determination to stay on. Any process to forcefully evict him could cause greater harm to the party, explaining his stubborn refusal to leave. Can the rebels afford to backtrack again? JAMES DEBONO asks
The rebels inside the PN know that there is only one way to change the party’s leader without spilling blood: that of convincing him to step down honourably out of his own volition.
It is a course of action that would trigger an election for a new leader who would be in a position to start a new page, just as Robert Abela is doing inside Labour.
But Adrian Delia is insisting that he is here to stay, to lead the party into the next election. Defying an open rebellion from MPs, he has thrown the ball back in their court just as he did last time round when he faced similar calls to resign after a disastrous performance in MEP and local elections. Back then the rebel MPs refrained from a showdown in the parliamentary group. Instead they collected signatures to convene the party’s General Council. Delia accepted the challenge and was confirmed party leader by more than two-thirds of councillors.
There is no guarantee that he won’t survive another attempt to remove him, even if his ineffectiveness during Labour’s recent crisis may have further weakened him internally.
A parliamentary coup?
The rebels may have an easier path to force Delia out but this could be even messier.
They may remove him as Opposition leader and appoint someone else, hoping that this would make Delia realise that his time as party leader is up. But Delia knows that MPs are hesitant. Removing him from leader of the Opposition does not remove him from party leader. The nightmare scenario for the party would be that of having two leaders, one in parliament and one entrenched in the party headquarters.
That would be the ultimate turn-off for voters. Delia would then be in a position to denounce a palace coup by MPs who have repeatedly ignored the mandate given to him by party members in 2017 which was confirmed just two months ago by two-thirds of the party’s councillors. If this happens the rebels will have only way left: that of reconvening councillors once again, for the second time in the space of a year to pass a no confidence vote in Delia.
Even this would be difficult because technically the party statute does not foresee any mechanism to remove a leader elected by party members. And even if they succeed, Delia may still choose to contest again in the internal contest to elect a new leader. For according to the statute, the prerogative of electing a new leader belongs exclusively to members.
So lonely
The rebels may be stronger this time round for the simple reason that Delia is more alone than ever. His position is rendered untenable by the sheer fact that he lacks a strong team around him.
He has lost valuable allies like media chief Pierre Portelli who resigned from chairman of the party’s media in June last year, and now MP Kristy Debono from president of the party’s General Council. Deputy leader for party affairs Robert Arrigo’s decision to resign, although triggered by the general situation, in the party including the insubordination of the rebels, still weakens Delia as it confirms the impression of a meltdown. Another blow for Delia was Louis Galea’s missive in which he not only questioned the party leader for not honouring a pledge for a more inclusive leadership team, but also called on the party to convene the executive to start the process of electing a new leadership. This was a devastating blow for the simple reason that before securing the councillors’ vote, Delia had tied his own future to the reform presided by the former minister and party grandee.
The final blow was the resignation of close ally Clyde Puli from the post of general secretary.
The rebels still lack one important ingredient in their strategy – an alternative leader. For even if they press on with their attempt to remove Delia from Opposition leader, they will have to unite behind one MP who enjoys the majority of support of Opposition MPs
In short Delia has been abandoned. It is difficult to see him leading the Opposition, with leading spokespersons openly questioning his leadership. If he stays on, he will be condemning the party to chaos as the rupture is now beyond repair.
But why is Delia holding on?
The question is: is he ready to do that and for what reason? The reason may well be personal dignity. He may well have given a lot to the party in terms of personal life sacrifice, and he expects it to give him the fair chance of leading it for one term.
But Delia also lives under a cloud of suspicion: that his political choices are also dictated by personal considerations, namely that his political clout offers him a degree of protection from his business and judicial troubles. Such doubts on his moral integrity crippled Delia’s ‘new way’ since they weakened both his sense of outrage at Labour’s corruption and also any attempt at building a more constructive Opposition as this was inevitably seen as a sign of collusion aimed at securing personal protection.
Finding a leader
The rebels still lack one important ingredient in their strategy – an alternative leader. For even if they press on with their attempt to remove Delia from Opposition leader, they will have to unite behind one MP who enjoys the majority of support of Opposition MPs. Surely they can’t lump this responsibility on the President of the Republic. If they really want to go that way they have to present a name. But this may raise more questions: will the chosen one also be their candidate to challenge Delia in party structures or will he or she serve as a temporary figurehead until the issue is resolved within the party?
Moreover, with the party facing defeat in the next election, which may come sooner than 2022, leadership aspirants may be reluctant to drink from the poisoned chalice left by Delia.
A civil war fought in an echo chamber
Reflected in the rebels’ urgency and sense of purpose is the illusion that the process of electing a new leader will magically restore enthusiasm in the party. In reality many middle-of-the-road voters may well have disconnected themselves from the PN’s eternal and repetitive backstabbing. Many of these voters are equally sceptical of Delia and his detractors, perceiving this as a battle between an entitled elite and an incompetent and dubious leader. For these voters, what is happening in the PN increasingly looks like a civil war fought in two distant echo chambers.
Many middle-of-the-road voters may well have disconnected themselves from the PN’s eternal and repetitive backstabbing. Many of these voters are equally sceptical of Delia and his detractors
With the party lacking exciting policies and unable to define its own identity, such voters may further lean towards Labour especially if Abela manages to give an impression that he is acting on corruption while guaranteeing stability and economic prosperity.
Others may be further driven into civil society activism, which may yield more returns in terms of victories on important issues like the environment and civil liberties.
Ironically while it was Labour which was hit by the greatest scandal in recent history – the political murder of a journalist coupled by the ramifications of the Panama scandal – it is the PN which is now broken into pieces. It may take much more than a leadership change for the party to pick up the pieces and rebuild itself.
Born under a bad cloud...
Soho – August 2017 • Daphne Caruana Galizia reveals that the PN leadership contender had lent his corporate services to a Maltese property owner whose portfolio includes brothels in London’s Soho. The matter is today under an FIAU investigation.
Simon Busuttil calling him to withdraw leadership – August 2017 • The outgoing PN leader joins the fray, saying Delia should not run for the leadership as the PN executive convenes to discuss the allegations.
Debt issues – September 2017 • MaltaToday reveals that the aspiring leader has millions in debts from a Gozo property deal, the project of which remains unfinished.
IVF leave – October 2017 • Delia’s first foray in policy, opposing paid leave for IVF patients, is a flop that appeases only his hardline conservative MPs.
Pierre Portelli resignation – June 2018 • Chief ally and head of PN media Pierre Portelli steps down, claiming he is being attacked by MPs.
Busuttil refuses to leave on Egrant – July 2018 • Delia rides on the Egrant report to force Busuttil to leave as MP but he is instantly rebuffed.
Marital separation – October 2018 • Nickie Vella de Fremaux, Delia’s wife and mother of five children who appeared by his side during his leadership campaign, files for separation.
Police probe into Delia’s financial dealings – December 2018 • Investigations into Delia’s past corporate dealings are confirmed.
Delia leaks – December 2018 • Embarrassing mobile phone footage of a domestic incident at Delia’s home is leaked.
MEPs fiasco (election loss) – May 2019 • Delia is forced to secure a confidence vote after the resignation of executive president Mark Anthony Sammut.
DCG family rebuff at Great Siege Monument – October 2019 • As he makes his way to pay tribute at the Caruana Galizia memorial, one of the journalist’s sisters attempts to stop him from placing flowers.