US funding of OCCRP raises questions over editorial independence

Updated with OCCRP right of reply 

The Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP), widely celebrated for its investigative journalism, faces questions over a lack of independence due to extensive funding and influence from the United States government.

A joint investigation by Mediapart and other media partners has unveiled the depth of OCCRP’s financial reliance on Washington.

Founded in Sarajevo, Bosnia, and based in Washington, Amsterdam and Sarajevo, OCCRP has grown into a powerhouse of investigative journalism. Working with a budget of €20 million, the organisation has managed to build a network of 200 journalists across 70 media partners across the globe.

The organisation has spearheaded major exposés, including the Panama Papers and Pegasus Project, unearthing corruption and financial misconduct, prompting significant global impacts, such as the recovery of billions in lost state revenues and the downfall of multiple government leaders.

US Department of State

The organisation has also assisted Maltese newspapers, including MaltaToday, in carrying out investigations related to organised crime, financial misconduct and political corruption.

Despite its success in carrying out such investigations, the OCCRP has come under fire over its financial ties to the United States.

According to the Mediapart investigation, approximately 52% of OCCRP’s funding between 2014 and 2023 came from US agencies, including the Department of State and the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). The US reportedly retains veto power over key staff appointments, such as the organisation’s CEO and editor-in-chief, raising questions over editorial independence.

The organisation has defended its position, saying any implications that its editorial stance is affected by the donors “is simply wrong”.

“OCCRP has no limits on its journalism and no donor influences our reporting. The story, co-written by a disgruntled former member of our network, was unable to cite a single instance of inaccuracy or influence in our work and relied instead on insinuation and implication,” it said in an announcement. “OCCRP has a long history of holding power to account and insisting on transparency even in difficult circumstances, and we have always been open about our funders. We list them on our website, in our published audits, in our annual reports for the past 17 years, and in our IRS 990 forms, which all U.S.-based non-profits are required to file. All of these documents are publicly available.”

The Malta connection

Revelations hold particular relevance for Malta, which has seen news organisations collaborate with OCCRP on investigations related to alleged political misconduct, money laundering and financial crime in the country.

Between 2022 and 2024, the US State Department contributed $2.3 million to projects aimed at bolstering investigative journalism in Malta and Cyprus, both described as critical hubs for tax evasion and financial crimes. These efforts included the OCCRP-coordinated “Cyprus Confidential” investigation, which led to local reforms and international probes.

While the OCCRP’s aide to newsrooms supports crucial investigative journalism, critics have questioned whether such stories push biases aligned with US foreign policy interests. The story revealed funding agreements bar investigations into US matter while using US funds.

This, critics argue, limits the scope of potential stories and raising ethical concerns about selective scrutiny.

The co-founder behind OCCRP

The Mediapart investigation also sheds light on OCCRP co-founder Drew Sullivan, and his past links to the US government.

Initially trained as an aerospace engineer, Sullivan worked on the US space shuttle program before transitioning to journalism in the 1990s.

OCCRP co-founder Drew Sullivan (Photo: Mediapart)

He gained experience with the Associated Press (AP) and later co-founded OCCRP in 2008 to combat corruption and organised crime, primarily in the Balkans. Under his leadership, OCCRP expanded into a global network, producing landmark investigations like the Panama Papers.

While the OCCRP’s significant financial contribution has allowed it to carry out significant investigative work, questions have been raised in the report over its editorial independence.

Sullivan has defended OCCRP’s reliance on US government grants, arguing they were necessary to sustain the organisation in its early years when alternative funding sources were scarce. He maintained that funding agreements include “impenetrable guardrails” to ensure editorial autonomy, and no government has any influence on OCCRP’s investigations.

Critics argue US financial support puts OCCRP’s investigations in line with American foreign policy priorities, particularly in targeting nations like Russia and Venezuela. He however argues that investigative targets are based on journalistic merit rather than donor interests.

OCCRP Editor-in-Chief Miranda Patrucic right of reply 

The stories imply OCCRP hides its funding. We have always been 100% transparent about our processes and funding. Our donors have always been listed on our supporters page, and our financial statements are in our annual reports on the website. The claim that we have ever hidden funding from the U.S. government, or any other donor, is simply false. 

No donor, including the U.S. government, has the power to tell us what to write. We have no special relationship with the U.S. government or any other governments. The United States does not tell us what to write or what topics to cover. In order to minimize conflicts of interest, we don’t report in a given country with money donated by that country, and instead draw on other sources of funding. 

OCCRP has pursued numerous investigations into wrongdoing by the U.S. government. This includes billions of dollars in CIA-coordinated arms shipments to Syria, the privatization of U.S. drone strikes in Kenya, how US real estate attracts corrupt money, and corruption involving the U.S. military in Afghanistan. The video claims that “OCCRP chose, among other things, not to publish an article about American states known as 'tax havens' for the secrecy with which they operate, including Delaware…” We have in fact reported on Delaware tax havens.

In Malta, OCCRP has trained dozens of journalists and collaborated with independent media outlets so the public is well informed on topics like crime and corruption. We have supported investigations into misspending of public funds, abuse of public office, mismanagement of publicly funded companies, the targeting of a Maltese public official by a U.S. company, and the presence of organized crime groups. 

The United States government has no veto power over our leaders. OCCRP is funded by grants. We apply for competitive, publicly tendered grants on the basis that we have qualified personnel who can be responsible for spending the grant money appropriately. We often name these people on our grant applications, to support our claims that we can do the work. However, grants are legally distinct from contracts in that the donor cannot control what happens to a grant donation after it is made. In a small number of cases, when we bid on certain types of U.S. government grants known as cooperative agreements, we are actually required to name who will be responsible for implementing the grant. This person or persons, referred to as the grant’s “key personnel,” ensures that the money we get is spent appropriately and that the work gets done. This is not an editorial role, but a logistical one. Moreover, as OCCRP’s editor in chief, I have full control over all editorial staffing decisions.

For anyone interested, we have published a FAQ to address any questions about our funding and editorial policy.