Inside Labour | Perils of another rainbow coalition
During the Labour Party’s general conference held in January a number of newly-approved candidates addressed the party delegates and as the impending general elections approach, these new candidates will inevitably hit the headlines.
Taking a leaf out of the PN's hymn sheet, the PL seems intent on flooding a number of strategic districts with a large number of candidates.
In 2008, the PN flooded the ninth, 10th and 11th districts with a large number of candidates. This strategy seems to have worked, as the party fielded a number of medical professionals and lawyers who traditionally attract a number of personal votes, stretching the catchment area and maximising the first count votes.
This time around, Labour is also looking at fielding a handsome number of medical professionals, such as family therapist Charles Azzopardi, eye specialist Franco Mercieca, paediatrician Chris Fearne and family doctors Deo Debbatista and Silvio Grixti.
The PL is also fielding a number of prominent lawyers such criminal lawyer Manuel Mallia, the President of the Republic's son Robert Abela, former PN activist (and the face of the pro-divorce movement) Deborah Schembri, General Workers Union lawyer Joanne Vella Cuschieri and David Farrugia Sacco.
Other star candidates include the former Prime Minister Dom Mintoff's daughter Yana Mintoff Bland, musician and musical director Sigmund Mifsud and the 28-year-old Dingli mayor Ian Borg, considered a rising star within the party ranks.
Other colourful additions to the Labour coalition could have come in the form of outspoken entrepreneur Grace Borg and former PN candidate and Sliema deputy mayor Cyrus Engerer.
However, both have declared that they will not contest on the Labour ticket for diverse reasons.
These new candidates not only pose a threat to established Labour MPs on a district level but could also cause a problem to the party by expressing opinions which could embarrass the party and its imposing leader.
Quantity vs quality
In recent political history there has been a persistent tendency for both the PN and the PL to nominate many more candidates than they can reasonably hope to elect.
In 2008, the PN fielded 112 candidacies against the PL's 102 candidacies. Fielding a large number of candidates has traditionally worked in favour of the PN, however whenever the PL fielded more candidates than its rival party, the party ended up on the losing side, with the only exception being 1996.
In 1987 and 1992 the PL fielded the highest number of candidates in its history, 124 and 117 candidates respectively, however, the party lost both elections.
In the next general election the Labour Party seems hell bent on winning the election at all costs and this has prompted the party to field a large number of candidates across all districts.
This could well mean that Labour will mimic GonziPN by presenting a large number of old and new "star" candidates, held together by the absolute authority of the leader.
Despite deriding the Nationalist Party for putting the leader on a par with the party in 2008, Labour is fashioning a campaign around its leader Joseph Muscat.
MuscatPL?
In past months, the Labour Party has avoided taking an official stand on controversial issues such as divorce and gay marriage and instead rested on Joseph Muscat's personal stand.
Muscat has been given carte blanche by the party to win the next elections. On one hand, the party's keenness and impatience in regaining power is understandable, after having spent 25 years in opposition bar the brief stint in government between 1996 and 1998.
However, on the other hand, granting Muscat absolute authority and adopting his personal beliefs as the party's unofficial stand not only stifles internal debate but it could also spectacularly backfire, Franco Debono style.
Debono symbolises the failure of the Nationalist Party's attempt to create a rainbow coalition which did win the 2008 election by a whisker but resulted in a fragmented and fragile majority. Short-term success for the GonziPN coalition was possible because of lax candidate screening, a hotchpotch of values and the ability to pinch priceless votes that ultimately led to the relative majority victory.
Gonzi and the PN strategy team wrongly assumed that MPs will blindly follow their leader and back him no matter what.
However Debono, Jeffrey Pullicino Orlando and to a certain extent Jesmond Mugliett thought otherwise, and their dissent almost cut short Gonzi's permanence at Castille. Alfred Sant committed the same mistake in 1996 with Dom Mintoff and Joseph Muscat seems to have chosen to go down the same road in his quest to get his hands on the holy grail.
This, though, could prove to be a poisoned chalice. Recent events show that political parties who choose short-term electoral success over coherence and sound policies could end up being held at ransom by individual members of the rainbow coalition, who might also have strong opinions and beliefs.
The instability of the GonziPN administration could be replaced by further instability of Muscat's PL.