The parallel lives of Simon and Joseph

The similarities

Brought up in petite bourgeois households and attending the same church school attended by past Prime Ministers Eddie Fenech Adami and Lawrence Gonzi (St Aloysius), the two leaders had a similar start in life. Both Simon Busuttil and Joseph Muscat became recognisable figures during the EU referendum campaign, with Busuttil becoming the darling of the yes camp, fronting the government's EU information centre and Muscat presenting Made in Brussels, a TV programme on One TV, which had a clear anti-membership bias.

The career of both leaders received a boost with a stellar performance in the 2004 MEP election in which Busuttil gained 59,000 votes and Muscat 37,000 votes in their first electoral appointment. Both were highly successful in their stint as MEPs. While Muscat held the post of Vice-President of the Parliament's Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs, Busuttil presided the Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs Committee and covered sensitive issues like European immigration and asylum policy.

Even their election as leaders is marked with similarities, with both Busuttil and Muscat perceived as being close to their predecessors Alfred Sant and Lawrence Gonzi, and backed by the party's establishment. Back in 2008, party stalwarts like Jason Micallef and George Vella openly backed Muscat. Although he promoted himself as his own man in this leadership campaign, Busuttil carried the perception of being the anointed one after Gonzi appointed him as his civil-society envoy.

In both cases, public opinion surveys showed their rivals, George Abela and Mario de Marco, currying more favour among floating voters and the opposite camp. Echoing European Socialists President Martin Shulz's endorsement of Muscat in 2008, European People's Party President Joseph Daul endorsed Busuttil as PN leader . In both elections, the party rejected calls to widen the franchise to all party members. Both leaders also registered the same level of support among delegates - 49.8% for Muscat and 50.3% for Busuttil.

The differences

While Muscat started his political career as a journalist in the One stable in the late 1990s while he continued his studies as an economist, Busuttil - a lawyer by profession - rose to public prominence as a technocrat leading the Malta EU Information Centre. But the greatest divergence in the path of the two leaders was their role in the general election, which preceded their election as leaders.

While Muscat did not have any highly visible role in the 2008 campaign and was not even a candidate in that election, Busuttil was elected deputy leader a month before the electoral campaign commenced. Moreover, while memories of Busuttil's electoral gaffes are still fresh in people's memories, Muscat's five-year stint as a successful MEP had exorcised Muscat's vehement opposition to EU membership in 2003. 

Unlike Busuttil today, Muscat could not be blamed for the shortcomings in Labour's 2008 defeat. Moreover, while Muscat inherited a party demoralised by losing for a third consecutive time - though it lost by a 1,500 vote margin - Busuttil inherits a party which faces a 36,000 vote deficit. This means that Busuttil not only faces a more difficult task since he has to recover more votes - he is also perceived to be more divisive by the same voters he needs to bring back into the fold, simply due to his association with last March's election campaign. Like Muscat in 2009, Busuttil faces his first major test a year after his election as leader: the MEP election of 2014.

It was Muscat's spectacular 55% victory which solidified his leadership in the Labour Party.  But for Busuttil he has taken over a party enjoying the support of 42%, the task seems far more daunting. Moreover, Muscat was more a novelty in 2008 than Simon Busuttil is now. Significantly, while the PL published its report on its 2008 election report before the leadership election - a move which was seen to penalise former deputy leader and leadership rival Michael Falzon - the PN has yet to publish its internal report. 

The two leaders also differ in style. In contrast to his predecessor Alfred Sant, Muscat projects himself as a family man, pushing his wife Michelle to the fore. On the other hand, Busuttil is more reserved and is himself a separated father of two. Since his earliest days - characterised by the corny "I love you all" speech - Muscat excelled in political theatre. In contrast to the Labour leader, Busuttil projects a more sober (albeit less sparkling) image. Unlike Muscat, he did not exude enthusiasm in his first speech as leader.

One refreshing change promised by Busuttil is to turn his party in to a more policy-oriented one. Muscat made it a point to blitzkrieg the country with proposals in the last month of the campaign, Busuttil promises to present alternative policies from the opposition benches. One advantage for Busuttil is that although he is relatively young, he is nine years older than Muscat was in 2008. This gives him the advantage of being perceived as young and experienced at the same time. Still, it is clear that Busuttil faces more obstacles than Muscat faced five years ago.

Moreover, if he fails the major difference between the two would be that one made it to be Prime Minister and the other failed. Ironically, Busuttil's aspirations now also depend on Muscat's failures.

Their fortunes have, certainly, never been so interlinked.